The thin ideal perpetuated through the media, eating disorders and body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness were thought to be a culturally linked phenomena confined  to Western societies. This study has contributed to the debate on cultural determinism of eating  disorders and body dissatisfaction in women as it has shown that these concepts are on the rise in  non-Western societies in general and Egypt in specific. When exposed to media messages,  women in Egypt demonstrated eating disordered attitudes, body dissatisfaction feelings and also  chose other compensatory behaviors such as veiling, fasting, and following diet. 


Dear Readers,


Please find below a study from Egypt, ‘MEDIA MESSAGES AND WOMEN’S BODY PERCEPTIONS IN EGYPT by SHAIMA RAGAB  Under the Direction of Jaynette Atkinson . This study is very relevant to current times in understanding the influence of media on shaping body image. We share this study for research and reference purpose only. 




Georgia State University  

ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University  

Communication Theses Department of Communication  


Media Messages and Womens’ Body Perceptions in Egypt  Shaima Ragab  

Follow this and additional works at:  Part of the Communication Commons  

Recommended Citation  

Ragab, Shaima, “Media Messages and Womens’ Body Perceptions in Egypt.” Thesis, Georgia State  University, 2007.  


This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Communication at ScholarWorks @  Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Theses by an authorized  administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact





This study explores the association between media exposure and women’s body  perceptions in Egypt. The thin ideal perpetuated through the media, eating disorders and body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness were thought to be a culturally linked phenomena confined  to Western societies. This study has contributed to the debate on cultural determinism of eating  disorders and body dissatisfaction in women as it has shown that these concepts are on the rise in  non-Western societies in general and Egypt in specific. When exposed to media messages,  women in Egypt demonstrated eating disordered attitudes, body dissatisfaction feelings and also  chose other compensatory behaviors such as veiling, fasting, and following diet.  

INDEX WORDS: Egypt, Thin media ideal, Eating disorders, Body dissatisfaction and drive  for thinness, Compensatory behaviors, Veiling, Fasting, Dieting, Plastic  





A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of  Master of Arts  

in the College of Arts and Sciences  

Georgia State University  



Copyright by  

Shaima Ragab  






Major Professor: Jaynette Atkinson  

Committee: Leonard Teel  

 Marian Meyers  Electronic Version Approved:  

Office of Graduate Studies  

College of Arts and Sciences  

Georgia State University  

December 2005 




 1 BACKGROUND AND IMPORTANCE 1   Purpose of the Study 4  

 Expected Results 7    

 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 8   Social Learning Theory 8   Television Exposure 12   Magazine Exposure 13   Culture 15   3 METHOD 22   Participants 22   Questionnaire 24   Procedure 26   4 RESULTS 27   Reliability of Scales 27   Hypothesis Testing 28   5 DISCUSSION 34   Media Exposure 34   Body Dissatisfaction and Compensatory Behaviors 39   Body Dissatisfaction and Eating Attitudes 41 


 Limitations 43   Future Research 46   Conclusion 47  REFERENCES 48  APPENDIX 54 


List of Tables  

Table 1  

 Distribution of Participants’ Residence in Greater Cairo Area 24    

Table 2  


TV Program Exposure Measured in Number of Hours Per Week 30  Table 3  

Correlations Between Magazine Genres and Body Dissatisfaction  

and Drive for Thinness 31    

Table 4  

Correlations of Body Compensatory Behaviors with Body Dissatisfaction  and Drive for Thinness 33   

Chapter 1  

Background and Importance  

Harrison (1997) asserted that the growing prevalence of eating disorders in the United  States and other industrialized societies, coupled with the prevalence of conspicuously thin  models and actors featured in the media, have become cause of alarm among those concerned  with how women use social information to construct body image and develop healthy eating  habits. Everyone needs food to survive. But for some people, food can become an overwhelming  and destructive force that can completely dominate their thoughts, feelings and actions. People  can be said to have eating disorders when their life revolves around food and they take extreme  measures to control what they eat. Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are two common  eating disorders and affect women in particular. Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa threaten  the physical and mental health of an alarming number of women today. The American  Psychiatric Association estimates that the prevalence of disordered eating is threatening more  than 40% of the general population of women in the Western world.  

Brunch (1982) stated that the two main eating disorders associated with the attainment of  the thin ideal are anorexia nervosa and bulimia. Anorexia nervosa is characterized by the refusal  to eat enough to maintain body weight over a minimal norm for age and height, an intense fear of  gaining weight, body image disturbance, and possible amenorrhea (temporary cessation of  menstruation). Anorexia is an illness that occurs mainly in teenage girls. People with anorexia  are obsessed with being thin and are terrified of gaining weight. As a result, they starve  themselves (especially avoiding high-calorie foods), and exercise obsessively until they become  extremely thin and well below the normal weight for their age and height.

Bulimia nervosa is characterized by a pattern of bingeing (eating large quantities of food  over short periods of time) followed by attempts to compensate for this excessive caloric intake  by vomiting, using laxatives, severe restrictive dieting or fasting, or overexcersicing  (MacGillivray, 2001). Bulimia usually affects women in their early to mid-twenties. People with  bulimia are also terrified of gaining weight, but they can usually keep within a normal weight.  This is because they eat very large amounts of fattening food (called ‘bingeing’), but then get rid  of that food by vomiting or by taking laxatives.  

It is not exactly known what causes anorexia or bulimia. Many explanations have been  suggested, although the precise reasons may be different for each person according to Turner  (1995). A fear of not being able to cope or feeling overwhelmed is common among people with  anorexia or bulimia. For instance, adolescence is full of major changes – both physical and  emotional – and some teenagers may be confused or uncertain. Denying themselves food may be  one way to establish some control in their lives. Others may resort to food to block out disturbing  feelings. People with bulimia are often unsure of themselves, lack confidence in their abilities or  suffer from depression. Binge eating may be one way to cope with these unhappy, unsettled  feelings. Today’s “thin is beautiful” image may be a contributing factor. The waif-like ideal  promoted through the media can put pressure on women of all ages to diet, sometimes to excess.  

Eating disorders are reactive forms of cultural pressures aimed towards promoting a  desirable image based on a cultural aesthetic ideal, that of thinness (Nasser, 2001). This interplay  between societal factors and weight issues made this concern over weight evolve into a culture bound phenomenon. It is based on the societal mandates of thinness that are considered firmly  rooted in the Western cultural values and beliefs. This culture specific notion was strengthened  by the apparent absence of eating disorders in other non-Western cultures. 


The predominance of eating disorders to women added yet another significant dimension.  The gender specific aspect was nonetheless related to the predicament of modern women in  Western societies. The pursuit of thinness was seen as reflecting the Western/modern woman’s  inner conflict torn between traditional and modern social definitions of femininity. Her effort to  achieve a new body form is seen as echoing a deeper effort to formulate a new identity (Gordon,  1990). Those gender specific conflicts continued to be seen as exclusive to Western women, of  which other women remained largely immune.  

Stoutjesdyck and Jevne (1993) found that the general consensus among clinicians is that  the incidence of disordered eating has risen steadily over the past 30 years, and disordered eating  has begun to change from a disease of young, white, middle class girls and women to a more  equal opportunity affliction, especially in Western societies. In addition, eating disorders are  finding their way to other non-Western cultures such as China, Japan, Iran, Israel, United Arab  Emirates and Egypt (Lee, Ho, & Hsu 1993; Mukai, Crago & Shisslak, 1994; Shroff &  Thompson, 2004). In Japan, Mukai (1994) suggested that concern with weight and  disordered eating patterns are emerging in the Japanese society, and the prevalence of this  disturbance could be even higher in Japan than in the West. In India, Shroff and Thopmson  (2004) found that the levels of body image disturbance, eating disorders and fear of fatness are  similar to the levels found in the West.  

Until recently, eating disorders were reported to be rare among the Chinese. Lee, Ho, et  al (1993) reported that eating disorders were seldom encountered by clinicians in the 1970s and  1980s among the Chinese population in Hong Kong; rather the Chinese preferred plumpness in  women as a symbol of attractiveness. However, in the past two decades, eating disorders among 


young Chinese women have increased. All the above studies cite urbanization or westernization  as a contributing cause of the increase of disordered eating behaviors for women.  Research on India, Japan and China reveal that there is eating disordered behavior outside  the Western World. However the available literature (Nasser 1997; Nasser, Katzman & Gordon  2001) indicate that eating disorders are infrequent in the Arab world. In the Arab world, for long  time thinness has been regarded as socially undesirable, whereas plumpness is regarded as a  symbol of fertility and womanhood (Nasser, 1988). Despite the widespread acknowledgement of  the importance of cultural factors in the development and expression of body image and eating  disorders, few studies have explicitly explored relevant cultural factors such as the political,  medical, religious, and any other sociocultural perceptions that may affect the eating habits in a  given society. The relative rarity of eating disorders in non-Western societies raises the question:  are eating disorders a culture-bound syndrome? This study addresses the gaps in the body image  research among women of non-Western cultures by focusing on Egyptian women. Egypt is  rarely studied and generally considered to have low incidences of eating disorders. As a  representative of the Arab world, Egypt’s geographic position in the middle of the Arab world  and the Middle East, its historic roots as well as its recent phases of women’s education,  economic liberalization makes it an interesting place to base this study.  

Egypt: Body and History Overview  

While best known for its pyramids and ancient civilizations, Egypt has played a central  role in the Arab region in modern times due to its strategic location. It is strategically located at  the corner of both Africa and Asia. It is the entertainment capital of the Middle East and  Northern Africa, as well as a power broker and regional peacemaker. Throughout the ages, 


Egypt opened its eyes to the world and foreign influences, while other countries in the region  were allowed to sleep a little longer according to Grimal and Shaw (1988).  The time of the Pharos, Islam and modern Egyptian history shaped women’s general  image in society and personal body image as well. The Egyptian history revealed how women,  since the pharonic times, were prominent in both the public and the political life. Nefertiti, the  wife of Akhenaton a great Egyptian King, was known for her power, her beauty and slim bust.  Cleopatra, to stay as Egypt’s Queen, had to use her sexuality to influence the powerful men of  the era. Historic records revealed how she was obsessed with her weight and looks and described  how she bathed in milk baths and had favorite diets of pearls dissolved in wine (Nasser, 2001).  With the passage of time, Islam became the primary religion in Egypt posing on women certain  rules of body veiling and covering.  

The second half of the nineteenth century, Egypt experienced its first feminist movement  that was ushered with the publication of Amin’s books Tahir el-Mar’aa (Women’s  Emancipation) (1899) and El-Mara’aa El-Gadida (New Woman) (1901). Contrary to the Islamic  era, the government began to listen to women’s voices and as a result the first entry of female  students to the Cairo University was in 1928. Laws were passed to protect women against  discrimination and gave them equal right to education, employment and promotion. The change  in women’s position reflected itself in their clothes and appearance. Observers argue that by the  1970s, there was not a single veiled woman among the urban female population in Egypt;  women adopted the latest European fashion with revealing gowns and mini skirts.  

The liberation of women continued in the twentieth century. Women’s place in public life  was assured as a result of the open door policy introduced by President Anwar Sadat. Sadat  regime introduced the open door policy to liberate Egypt. Literally open door works by relaxing 


government controls on the economy so as to encourage the private sector and stimulate the  inflow of foreign funds. The result of this new policy was the emergence of a new upper wealthy  class as well as a movement towards a free market economy and a changed perception of women  in the Egyptian society. However, according to Wassef (1989), economic pressures started to hit  the Egyptian economy again and enterprises started to see women as a liability and the Islamic  ideology was taken as a reason for not employing women claiming that her natural place should  be at home taking care of the kids. With these changes, a great number of women started to wear  the veils again. However, women who took up the veil were mostly young students with mothers  and grandmothers still adopting the Western look (“Innovations,” 2001).  

This Islamic revival resulted in a huge conflict of choice for the Egyptian woman.  Women were torn between two choices: to have an unattractive look and wear the veil to abide  by the ongoing cultural trend, or not wear the veil , but be criticized for not conforming to the  cultural and Islamic laws. These cultural practices posed gradual pressures on women’s body  perceptions and the way they handle themselves and their bodies. In the early 80s, very few  studies were done to address weight concern issues in the Egyptian societies. At first, Nasser  (1986) found no evidence for eating disorders, and then in a follow up study, Nasser (1988)  started to find that 3.4 % of her sample showed signs of weight concerns, dieting and eating  disordered attitudes.  

 As time passed, more pressure on women increased their disordered eating attitudes. The  exposure to Western media and Western eating habits pose the risk of increased weight  consciousness and disordered eating for Egyptian women. For example, Egypt is experiencing  the global spread of the Western aesthetic ideal through the disseminating power of the Western  media according to Becker and Hamburg (1996). In addition, within the context of a global 


economy and increased urbanization in Egypt, private multinational firms now employ many of  the city dwellers. There is evidence of a significant change in both work and living patterns.  Dietary changes now include increased exposure to American, trendy fast food. There are now  180 KFCs, Hardee’s, Subways and Pizza Huts in Egypt alone, according to Cox (2002). The  dietary change, combined with shifting of meal times and less opportunities for physical exercise  are all bound to an increase in the rate of obesity, which in turn would heighten weight  consciousness and predispose women to increased risk of disordered eating patterns (Abou  Saleh, Younis, & Karim, 1996).  

 The above discussion highlights that there are a plethora of changes in the Egyptian  culture that impose pressures on women’s perception of their bodies. In the Western world,  research has shown that disordered eating behaviors in the past decades result from the  abundance of the attractive portrayal of thin models in the media (Chernin 1981; Gagnard 1986;  Hargreaves & Tiggemann 2002). The international globalization and influx of Western culture  and media around the world poses the threat of development of eating disorders in Egypt as well.  However, cultural factors may lead Arab women to react differently to the western media  exposure and adopt different strategies of coping with body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness,  i.e. veiling, body covering, plastic surgery, liposuction and professional dieting plans. This study  will address the strategies used by women to adapt to surrounding soscio-economic pressures.  Will the western media influence the Egyptians women’s body perceptions and be linked to  anorexia and bulimia or will the Egyptian women choose alternative behaviors to protect their  bodies and look good at the same time? 

Chapter 2  

Review of Literature  

 Societal standards for beauty, perpetuated through different media channels such as  television and fashion magazines, have posed pressures on women to maintain a thin body  figure. Most women accept those standards and thrive to achieve them despite the impossibility  of this goal (Harrison, 2001). In the Western world, women adopt disordered eating behaviors;  anorexia and bulimia as reactive forms of dealing with the thin ideal perpetuated by the media.  However, the reactions of Egyptian women to the same pressures are still unknown. Therefore,  this study will explore how different media channels (TV and magazine) influence women’s  body image and the consequent behaviors that women engage in to achieve those goals in  different parts of the world.  

This section will highlight the influence of western media influences and cultural  pressures on women’s body image and eating behaviors through a review of social learning  theory. Second, the specific influence of television exposure and magazine viewing will be  discussed to understand the influence of different media channels on women’s body perceptions.  Last, a review of Arab women’s reactions to the thin ideal perpetuated by the Western media  demonstrates the strong role that the western media plays in affecting body images and eating  behaviors in that part of the world.  

Social Learning Theory  

The mass media operate as important influences on disordered eating through their  impact on values and the thin ideal embraced by women. Garfinkel and Garner (1982) state: 

“The media have capitalized upon and promoted this image of thinness and through  popular programming have portrayed the successful and beautiful as thin. Thinness has thus  become associated with self-control and success” (p.145). The process by which media impacts  women’s body image can be understood in terms of the social learning process of modeling  (Bandura, 1977). The social learning theory emphasizes the importance of observing and  modeling the behaviors, attitudes, and emotional reactions of others. Bandura (1977) states:  

Learning would be exceedingly difficult, not to mention hazardous, if people had to rely  solely on the effects of their own actions to inform them what to do. Fortunately, most human  behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others one forms an idea  of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a  guide for action. (22)  

Social learning theory explains human behavior in terms of continuous reciprocal  interaction between cognitive, behavioral, and environmental influences. The component  processes underlying observational learning are: (1) Attention, including modeled events  (distinctiveness, affective valence, complexity, prevalence, functional value) and observer  

characteristics (sensory capacities, arousal level, perceptual set, past reinforcement), (2)  Retention, including symbolic coding, cognitive organization, symbolic rehearsal, motor  rehearsal), (3) Motor Reproduction, including physical capabilities, self-observation of  reproduction, accuracy of feedback, and (4) Motivation, including external, vicarious and self  reinforcement.  

Social Learning theory provides an explanation for how young women may come to  believe in the thin ideal and become motivated to engage in extreme dieting behavior to meet this  ideal. Television and magazines contain an abundance of explicitly thin models and characters  that are portrayed as attractive and competent. Social learning theory stipulates that the more  attractive an observer finds a social agent, the more the observer will strive to emulate that agent, 


other things being equal. From a modeling point of view, it is reasonable to expect that explicitly  thin television characters and magazine models, which are portrayed as attractive and competent,  should have especially high modeling attraction; that is, young women should be motivated to  engage in behaviors that enable women to emulate these characters and models (Harrison &  Cantor, 1997).  

Young adolescents spend almost 25% of their awake time watching television (four hours  per day; e.g., Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Therefore, television has the potential to create and  reinforce particular social values, stereotypes and behaviors as well as alter young viewers’  perceptions of reality (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988; Sipiora, 1991). One area of recent concern has  been the “ideal” female body attractiveness stereotypes presented in television advertising and  programming. For example, Ogletree, Williams, Raffeld, Mason and Fricke (1990) found that  the vast majority (86%) of appearance enhancement advertisements on television target young  female viewers. In 1980, Kaufman reported that relatively few prime-time TV characters were  overweight (12%) and under-represented the proportion of overweight individuals in the general  population. Six years later, Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson and Kelly (1986) found that 5% of  female TV characters were rated as “heavy,” whereas 69% of female characters were rated as  “thin.” This suggests a trend towards an increasingly thinner stereotype of the female body on  television.  

Exposure to these stereotypes reinforces the association between thinness in women and  characteristics such as physical attractiveness, desirability, personal self-worth, and success  (Garner, Garfinkel & Olmstead, 1983). Researchers suggested that this may lead some young  women to internalize the thin ideal stereotype and form a distorted mental construction of  themselves which results in dissatisfaction with their bodies (Ogletree 1990). Myers and Biocca 


(1992) found that watching only 30 minutes of TV programming and advertising can alter a  young woman’s perception of the shape of her body, indicating that body image is malleable and  can be influenced by observing ideal body shapes. Levine, Smolak and Hayden (1994) found that  ideas about having an attractive body shape, the drive to be slender, and dieting were related to  television viewing and magazine reading for many females. 

Repeated exposure to female characters’ modeling the thin ideal may be particularly  detrimental for individuals predisposed to developing an eating disorder such as anorexia and  bulimia. Not only do thin models present body images that young viewers may internalize and  use to judge and motivate themselves, they may also model the means (e.g., dieting) for  achieving unrealistic body shapes. For example, Hamilton and Waller (1993) found that  exposure to female fashion images contributed to overestimation of body weight by young  women with eating disorders. Similarly, Stice, Schupak-Neuberg, Shaw and Stein (1994) found a  positive relationship between overall media exposure (TV and magazines combined) and eating  disorder symptomatology. 

Changes in eating disorder behavior over the past decades are moving hand in hand with  the changes in the mass media representations of women’s body image. Chernin (1981) found  that the female figure has slimmed down dramatically since the 1950s. Gagnard (1986)  discovered a huge increase in the representation of thin models in magazine advertisements, and  the results of the study showed that a sample of popular women’s magazines contained a 10%  increase in dieting articles and advertisements. Another study by Garner, Garfikel, Schwartz and  Thompson (1980) revealed that women’s weight and body figure measurements significantly  decreased over time in American beauty pageants. Therefore, television viewing and magazine  exposure endorse the thin ideal required for women to be socially accepted which, therefore, may 


pressure women to engage in dieting behaviors like anorexia and bulimia to reach a desired  image.  

Television Exposure  

Television viewing, Body Dissatisfaction and Disordered Eating. The relationship  between TV viewing and eating disorders is the focus of much research. Hargreaves and  Tiggemann (2002) investigated the effect of viewing images of attractiveness on the immediate  mood and body dissatisfaction of young women. The study showed that viewing appearance  related TV commercials, those that portray thin attractive models, in women led to decreased  confidence and increased anger and body dissatisfaction. Posavac, Posavac and Posavac (2002)  also showed the relationship between TV viewing and body image disturbance that leads to  eating disorders. It showed that the extent of the discrepancy women perceive between their own  attractiveness and body image and images representative of ideal feminine attractiveness  presented in TV predicts how concerned women are with their weight.  

Multiple researches suggested that several factors can mediate the effects of TV viewing  to television thin ideal. Studies by Harrison (2001) and Posavac, Posavac, and Weigel (2001)  both found a relationship between TV viewing and eating disorders. However, the study by  Harrison (2001) used self-discrepancy theory to show that exposure to a thin-rewarded portrayal  activated ideal discrepancies, while exposure to fat-punished portrayal activated ought  discrepancies. They concluded that activation of both types of discrepancies is associated with  eating disorders. Thus, the study by Harrison (2001) showed that individual differences play an  important role in mediating the adverse effects of exposure to thin media idea. On the other hand,  Posavac, et al. (2001), used social learning theory to show that intervention can prevent women 


from experiencing body image disturbance when exposed to media images. The results showed  that the interventions used can be useful in combating media-induced body image disturbance.  Television Viewing, Attraction to Media Personalities and Disordered Eating. Television  viewing can lead to interpersonal attraction to media personalities which in turn can encourage  disordered eating and body enhancement behaviors. Harrison (1997) found that interpersonal  attraction to thin media personalities in TV is an important element in the relationship between  consumption of Thinness Depicting and Promoting media (TDP) and disordered eating. This  study argued that interpersonal attraction to thin media personalities has a significant negative  influence on disordered eating beyond the influence of mere media exposure. Moreover, a recent  study by Harrison (2003) concluded that exposure to ideal body television images predicted  women’s idealization of a smaller waist, smaller hips and a medium sized bust. Specifically,  women personally related to media personalities and agreed on the ideal body dimensions and  made every effort to achieve those thin television body proportions through disordered eating  and surgical procedures.  

Magazine exposure  

Researchers have examined the effects of other forms of media exposure on women’s  body satisfaction. Harrison and Cantor (1997) used social cognitive theory as a framework for  studying the relationship between college women’s media use and disordered eating. They found  that for women, thin ideal media exposure predicted disordered eating, with magazine reading  acting as a stronger and more consistent predictor than television viewing. Tiggemann (2003)  found that the amount of magazine reading, and not television viewing, was positively related  with the internalization of thin media ideal. Thus, it would be important to measure the effect of  magazine exposure on boy dissatisfaction and drive for thinness in women. 


Fashion magazines have been the focus of much research attention. Tiggeman (2003)  found that the more women read fashion magazines, the more they internalize the concept of thin  ideals. Some correlation studies (Stice & Shaw, 1994) have shown magazine consumption to be  related to body dissatisfaction. The results of the study found through experiments that viewing  photographs of attractive models can lead to adverse effects on both mood and body  dissatisfaction, particularly on heavier women and low self-monitors. In addition, Heinberg and  Thompson (1995) demonstrated that college women exposed to ideal- body advertising, such as  magazine dieting advertisements, were subsequently more depressed and dissatisfied with their  bodies than women exposed to neutral advertisements.  

Research shows that increased exposure to magazines increases the internalization of thin  ideal by women. Rabak-Wagner, Eickhoff-Shemek, and Kelly- Valance (1998) found that  exposure to images of fashion models in magazines indicated a significant change in the  women’s beliefs that models in advertisements have the ideal body size and shape. The study  also showed a significant change in women’s behavior and decisions to base dieting and  exercising more on looks rather than on health status. A recent study by Harrison (2000) found  that exposure to sports magazines in particular increased body dissatisfaction among women and  led to increased bulimia and anorexia levels. It is evident from the studies discussed above that  magazine viewing contributes to the perpetuation of a thin ideal among women and encourages  disordered eating behaviors.  

The above studies provide evidence that media exposure, whether magazines or TV, is  related to body image disturbance in women and can influence disordered eating behavior.  Researchers tried to control other variables such as individual differences, self-esteem (Harrison,  2001) and other interventions (Posavac, 2001) to determine if disordered eating in women is 


a direct result of media exposure. However, this relationship may be confined to the American  culture in specific and westernized societies in general (Hesse-Biber, 1996). Women in other  developing countries may not respond similarly when exposed to the media thin ideal. Thus,  culture is an important variable and will be discussed in the following section. Culture  

The above discussion showed how media, both television and magazines are regarded as  powerful transmitters of unrealistic beauty ideals for women, and are often held responsible for  the high proportion of women and girls who are dissatisfied with the bodies. However, very little  research has been done to account for how culture affects women’s ideas of body dissatisfaction  and drive for thinness. The available body of research focuses on Western culture even more  specifically on the American culture and blames it for the slenderness and eating disordered  behavior in women (Hesse-Biber 1996). However, relatively few studies have examined the  other parts of the world, including the Arab world.  

 Western Culture. In her book, Hesse-Biber (1996) argues that thinness is an American  cult. Young American women start their lives by investing in thinness with the same intense and  day-to-day involvement as religious cult members. Unlike religious cult members, young women  bow to powerful cultural forces that define females in terms of their physical attributes. 

The author asserts that American women are exhorted to strive for a physical ideal that is  laden with moral judgment. Slenderness, for women, represents restraint, moderation and self  control which are the virtues of the American culture. She states that the American culture  considers obesity bad and ugly. For Americans, fat represents moral failure, the inability to delay  gratification, poor impulse control, greed, and self-indulgence (Hesse-Biber, 1996). The  American culture has stressed the fact that slim figure has come to represent health as well as 


beauty. The slim figure ideal is promoted in advertisements for the multimillion-dollar beauty  industry, the pharmaceutical industry, and the food industry, which are all part of the capitalist  American society that strives to maximize profits, growth, concentration and control. The author  describes how the American bookstores are full of advice on loosing weight, flattening the  stomach, getting rid of cellulite and dressing to be more slender. Diet books are now viewed as  “sacred texts” (Hesse-Biber, 1996. p.10).  

History has shown that the thin ideal perception is perpetuated by the American society.  Hesse-Biber (1996) asserted that since the 1960s, the ideal body type has become steadily  slimmer and less curvaceous than in the 50s, which had idolized Marilyn Monroe beauty.  Between 1958 and 1988, Playboy centerfolds and Miss America contestants have become more  and more slender and the actual Miss America winners are the thinnest of all. In addition, Davis  (1995) discusses how factors of the American culture lead to anorexia and bulimia and recently  to plastic surgery that is now operated by a $5 billion dollar industry with blurred lines between  health and profits. Davis (1995) added that surgery, such as liposuction, as self improvement is  increasingly becoming an option, even a mandate, for American women. The author concluded  by stating that the media are the vehicle used by the American society to perpetuate the thin ideal  for females. It is therefore safe to conclude that disordered eating habits that result from exposure  to thin media ideal is a phenomenon of the American culture.  

It is widely believed that culture, along with psychological and biological factors, plays a  significant role in the development or prevention of eating disorders. In particular, stringent  Western standards of beauty have been implicated in leading to preoccupation with thinness and  an epidemic of body size dissatisfaction (Polivy and Herman, 1987). 


 Inside the American culture, findings for White Americans are different than findings of  African and Latin Americans. The existing body of research has exclusively used measured that  are developed and validated among predominantly White, Northern American, and Western  European samples which have resulted in the limited understanding of the diverse experiences of  eating disorders (Davis & Yager, 1992). Indeed the clinical significance attributed to eating  disorders among other populations may be misguided. And may in fact obscure other important  protective and risk factors for eating disorders in ethnically diverse populations. A study by  Franko and Striegel-Moore (2002) reported that body dissatisfaction differs across different  ethnic groups inside the Western culture. The authors’ findings suggest that black girls are  significantly more satisfied with their weight and shape and engage in less disordered eating than  White girls. Black girls may be protected from body dissatisfaction by powerful familiar and  peer influences as well as the role of culture in acceptance of larger body size.  

Research suggested that attention has to be redirected from focusing on body aesthetics to  body ethics in both the Western and Arab culture. Rubin, Fitts and Becker (2003) found out that  African American and Latino participants had an emphasis on body ethics not aesthetics that  suggested a need for reframing the presumed core orientation towards the body, one that is  perhaps recognizable and dominant among Euro-American cultures but is by no means universal.  The authors also reported that the body ethics espoused by African American and Latino  participants promoted self-acceptance and body nurturance and rejected the dominant cultural  ethos that encourages women to reshape their bodies to emulate the cultural ideals. Instead, focus  group participants responded to these images by contesting, resisting and rejecting ideologies  that define thinness and whiteness as inherently beautiful. The participants cultural values such  as being “true to oneself, “To love myself unconditionally” and “whatever feels good in my 


soul” provided high emphasis on body protection and protected participants from dangers of  disordered eating (Rubin et al. (2003), 70). The above study demonstrated how African  Americans and Latino women in the American culture have different reactions to the cultural  pressures that focus on a thin ideal ideology. More studies need to test women’s body attitudes  and reaction to cultural pressures in non-western societies.  

 Arab Culture. Examining eating disorder symptoms in cultures with minimal access to  the West may be useful in assessing the role of the Western ideals in the development of eating  disorders. Research on non-western cultures like India, Japan and China reveal that there are  eating disordered behavior outside the Western world; however the available literature indicates  that eating disorders are rare in the Arab culture. In the Arab culture, thinness has been regarded  as socially undesirable, whereas plumpness is regarded as a symbol of fertility and womanhood  (Nasser, 1988).  

The Gulf region with its oil rich countries has undergone rapid and extensive economic  and sociocultural modernization in the last two decades. These changes have altered the lives of  both the city dwellers and the Bedouins, with the influx of a large expatriate population of the  Arabs, Asians, Europeans, and Africans comprising 80% of the populations of the Gulf  countries. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Abou-Saleh, Younis and Karim (1998) provided  the first evidence of the occurrence of anorexia nervosa by documenting the occurrence in 3  females and 2 males. The authors’ report indicates that the increasing globalization of the UAE  society had led to the emergence of eating disorders in the United Arab Emirates.  

Abdollah and Main (2001) examined the body image of Iranians living in Iran, a culture  that has outlawed the influx of Western media since the Islamic revolution in 1978. The findings  indicated that Iranian women display evidences of eating disorders and body image concern, but 


these findings were not related to the exposure to Western media. The culture of Iran serves as a  contrast to Western norms. Access to Western media is illegal in Iran. In addition, women are  mandated by law to wear some form of hejab, or full body covering while in public. The  covering make it difficult to observe the size and shape of the female body, thereby reducing the  emphasis on these features and possibly acting as a protective factor against eating disorders and  body image concern. The authors found that women who covered their bodies starved  themselves and were preoccupied with exercising. Thus, the resulted showed that body coverage  does not protect from body image concerns or eating disorders. 

Arab schoolgirls were investigated in a study conducted in Israel. Alan and Mohammed  Abdu’s (1994) objective was to examine the eating attitudes of Arab and Jewish Israeli  schoolgirls. The Eating Attitude Test (EAT) was used after translation into Arabic and Hebrew.  It was found that the schoolgirls’ eating behavior depended on the degree of exposure to Western  body ideals and the presence of conflict between what is modern and traditional in relation to the  female role. Interestingly the Kibbutz population followed by all the Arabs, showed abnormal  eating attitudes. The female Kibbutzim – who are similar to other Western populations in their  behavioral tendencies and attitudes related to eating and physical build had the highest EAT  scores followed by the Arab Muslims. The authors argued that the Arabs showed strong Western  influences in their attitudes, particularly to body images, which could make them prone to eating  disorders.  

In Egypt, Nasser (1986) compared two matched samples of Arab female students  attending London and Cairo Universities. EAT was used and showed that 12 % of the Cairo  group and 22% of the Arab-London group displayed concern over their weight. Six cases of  bulimia were identified in the London-Arab group but none in Cairo. The study showed that 


concern with body weight existed in a society presumed to have different values. However,  identification with western cultural norms in relation to body weight was thought to be partly  responsible for causing the eating disordered behavior.  

In view of the unexpectedly high percentage of EAT positive scores in the above study,  Nasser (1994) surveyed 351 secondary school girls in Egypt and found only 3 cases of bulimia  nervosa. All the girls who had positive scores on the EAT admitted to repeated dieting and had  knowledge of various diets and slimming pills on the market. Their reason for dieting was a  

desire to be slimmer and more attractive. A total of 3.4% of them showed enough concern about  these issues to make them qualify for eating disordered behavior (Nasser, 1994).   Women in the Arab world show less eating disorder symptomatology than the women in  the Western world. Abdel-Aziz (2002) found that media in Egypt are also giving an unrealistic  and unfair representation of female body image through perpetuation of thin media ideals in  programs, sitcoms and advertisements. However, Abdel-Aziz (2002) showed that women in the  Arabic culture would not resort to bulimia and anorexia nervosa as solutions to losing weight. A  narrative analysis of 200 Egyptian women revealed that women in the Arab world have a  tendency to prefer dieting, exercising and in some cases plastic surgery rather than disordered  eating behaviors. Thus the study suggested that there can be a cross cultural tendency for women  to be concerned with their body shape; however the degree of concern may be culture bound.  The concept of anorexia and bulimia is mainly known to the Arab women through the Western  media. Since harming one’s body is not acceptable in the Arab culture and actually considered a  sin in religion, it is predicted that Arab women would not follow the Western eating disorder  path. 


Following that logic, the following hypotheses are proposed:  

H1: Amount of media exposure in Egypt will be positively associated with body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness but not associated with eating disorder symptomatology.  H2: Body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness in Egyptian women will be positively  associated with body compensatory behaviors (e.g. veiling, body covering, professional dieting,  religious fasting and plastic surgery)  

H3: Body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness in Egyptian women will not be associated  with eating disorder symptomatology. 


Chapter 3  


 This study is seeking to fill the gap in the literature and examine the association between  women’s eating attitudes and exposure to Western media in the Arab world, especially in Egypt.  This study used survey as its research design to examine associations between five variables: TV  

exposure, magazine exposure, eating disorder symptomatology, body dissatisfaction and drive  for thinness and body compensation methods. According to Earl Babbie (2001), survey research  is the best method available for social researchers to collect original data. Babbie (2001) adds  that surveys are excellent vehicles for measuring attitudes, perceptions and behaviors. Therefore,  survey research was the most appropriate method to study the association between women’s  exposure to the Western media thin ideal in Egypt and body perceptions and eating behaviors.  This chapter discusses in details the method used to test the hypotheses, specifically an overview  of the participants, information about the questionnaire, and details about the procedure used to  examine the variables of this study.  


A convenience sample of 181 undergraduate female students aged 18-23 (M= 20 years  old) participated in the survey in Egypt. Female students were recruited from classes at the  Academy of Arts and Design on a volunteer basis. While administering the survey, classes’  instructors announced that students would receive extra credits toward their course. 


Participants’ majors varied and included Graphics (40.3%), Décor (26.5%), Advertising (25.4%),  Fashion (7.2%), and Computer (.6%). Places of birth also varied with the highest concentration  (49.7%) in Cairo. Place of residence was distributed among Cairo (20.4%), Haram (16.6%),  Heliopolis (9.4%), 6th of October City (7.7%), and Maadi (6%). To get an idea about the social  standard of participants, questions were asked about the highest degree earned by participants  and by their mothers and fathers. The majority of the participants had high school as their highest  degree 98.3%. The majority of the mothers had a college degree 75.1%, 2.8% had a master’s  degree and 3.3% had a doctoral degree. As for the participants’ fathers, 85% had a college  degree, 1% had a master’s degree, and 7.7% had a doctoral degree.  


Table 1  

Distribution of Participants’ Residence in Greater Cairo Area 


 Frequency Percentage  

Cairo 37 20.4  

Haram 30 16.6  

Heliopolis 17 9.4  

Nasr City 18 9.9  

6 October City 14 7.7  

Giza 14 7.7  

Maadi 11 6.1  

Shobrah 9 5  

Dokki 5 2.8  

Mohandseen 5 2.8  

Helwan 4 2.2  

Kaliobia 4 2.2  

Mattariah 2 1.1  

Mokattam 2 1.1  

Abbasiah 1 .6  

Agouza 1 .6  

Banha 1 .6  

Embaba 1 .6  

Meet Okba 1 .6  

Midtown 1 .6  

Monofeiah 1 .6  

Sharkiah 1 .6 


Zaitoon 1 .6  


Total 181 100.0  



Participants of this study were all females. Harrison (1997) indicated that women  outnumber men 10 to 1 in the prevalence of disordered eating and 4 to 22 of college aged  females report eating disordered behavior. The American Psychiatric Association (2000)  indicates that women are more prone to be affected to the thin media ideal than men. The  association adds in its report that strivings for beauty and acceptance according to the stereotypes  that women perceive in global-cast media are leading increasing numbers of women around the  world to develop attitudes and eating behaviors associated with eating disorders. Therefore,  studies are needed to reflect women’s struggles and personal experiences about what it means to  be feminine and what it means to be perfect in the modern world. In addition, studies should be  sensitive to and inquire as to how weight and shape concerns are experienced by women,  especially those who are minorities, from non-Western or other cultural backgrounds, or are  transitioning and assimilating into Western societies. Therefore, this study chose to measure  women’s but not men’s attitudes and reactions to the exposure to thin media ideal in Egypt.  Questionnaire 

The questionnaire took approximately 30 minutes to complete and included several  measures such as the amount of TV viewing, magazine readership, dieting beliefs and  demographics. The survey examined the association between five variables: TV exposure,  magazine exposure, eating disordered symptomatology, body satisfaction and drive for thinness,  and approval for body compensation methods. The survey consisted of five parts (See Appendix  A). 


TV exposure. Participants were asked to estimate the number of hours per week they  spend watching the following types of programs: sitcoms, drama, video clips, news, talk shows,  movies, and fashion programs.  

Magazine exposure. Magazine exposure was measured based on Harrison’s (2001) model  which used the following question: “In an average month, how many magazines do you read?  This includes magazines that come to your classroom or home, and magazines you buy or  borrow from friends.” Participants were asked to estimate the number of issues they regularly  look at or read each month in five categories: (a) news and current events, (b) health and fitness,  (c) fashion, (d) entertainment and gossip, and (e) sports and activities. Response options ranged  from 0 (none) to 7+ (7 or more).  

 Eating disorder symptomatology. The Eating Attitude Test is a 26-item Likert type scale  (EAT; Garner & Garfinkel, 1982) also cited by Harrison (1997) was used to provide an overall  index for disordered eating for women. Representative items from this scale include “Am I  preoccupied with a desire to be thinner” and “Do I exercise strenuously to burn off calories.”  Respondents indicated their agreement with the statements on a Likert type scale ranging from  “never” (1) to “always” (6).  

 Body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. The Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ;  Cooper, Taylor, Cooper &, Fairburn, 1987) was used to provide an overall index for body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. The BSQ is a 34-item Likert type scale questionnaire.  Representative items from this questionnaire include “Have you been so worries about your  shape that you have been feeling that you ought to diet?” and “Have you thought that your  thighs, hips or bottom are too large for the rest of you?” with possible responses ranging from  “never” (0) to “always” (5). 


Body compensation methods. In the next part of the questionnaire, women were presented  with the following item: “If cost and culture were not an issue, how likely will you be to do each  of the following to improve your appearance?” Response options ranged from 1 “highly  unlikely” to 5 “I have already done this.” There were 6 methods listed including: wearing fluffy  coats, liposuction, following a specialized diet with a doctor, engaging in religious dieting,  wearing veils, and performing plastic surgery.  


 Participants were asked at the end of the questionnaire to state their age, highest level of  education achieved by them as well as their mothers and fathers, place of birth and place of  residence in Cairo.  


Participants in Egypt responded to self-administered questionnaires delivered to them by  graduate assistants at Cairo University. A team of three to five researchers visited participants in  their communication classes at Cairo University. Assistants took five minutes to lead them  through the questionnaires and answer their inquiries. Participants completed the consent forms  (See Appendix E) then the questionnaires. Assistants then collected the questionnaires, made  sure that they were complete, and sealed them in an envelope. Research assistants took 10  minutes to explain the details of the study and the variables measures; then they thanked  participants and left. 


Chapter 4  


 This chapter outlines the results of the statistical analyses used to examine the research  hypotheses of this study. Reliabilities of the scales will be presented first. Second, the results of  correlations between media exposure, body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness and eating  attitudes among Egyptian women will be reported. Finally, results analyzing the relationship  between body dissatisfaction, appearance compensation behaviors and disordered eating attitudes  in Egyptian women will be discussed at the end of this chapter.  

Reliability of Scales  

 Eating Attitude Test (EAT). The Eating Attitude Test (EAT) is a widely used self-report  measure of eating disorders. It was developed by Garner and Garfinkel (1979) to examine  symptoms of anorexia nervosa. The EAT-26, used in the present study, was modified and  simplified by Garner and Garfinkel in 1982. The EAT-26 achieved good reliability (alpha= .80).  Following Garner and Garfinkel (1982), in the present study, participants who scored 20 or  above were considered to have abnormal eating behavior and those scoring below 20 were  considered to have normal eating attitudes. Out of the 181 participants in this study, 20.4% (N=  37) females demonstrated excessive concern with their eating attitudes which indicated the high  probability of the presence of an eating disorder.  

Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ). BSQ (Cooper, Taylor, Cooper & Fairburn, 1987) is  used to evaluate fear of putting on weight, feelings of low self-esteem because of one’s  appearance, the desire to lose weight and body dissatisfaction. In the present study, BSQ 


achieved high reliability (alpha= .95). Following Cooper and Taylor (1987), the present study  classified the scores in 4 categories: not worried about body weight <81, slightly worried = 81- 110, moderately worried = 111-140, extremely worried >140. Of the 181 participants in this  study, 7.7% (N=14) were extremely worried, 12.7% (N=23) were moderately worried, 47%  (N=85) were not worried at all and 32.6% (N=59) participants were slightly worried with their  body shape.  

TV Exposure. The Television Exposure questionnaire was developed for the purpose of  this study to measure the average number of hours per week that participants watch television  and determine what kind of media participants watched the most. Participants were asked to  report the number of weekly hours they watched sitcoms, drama, video clips, news, talk shows,  movies and fashion programs. The questionnaire achieved moderate reliability (alpha= .67).  

Magazine Exposure. A magazine genres scale was developed following Harrison’s  (2001) model to assess the average number of magazines participants read monthly and to assess  the genres of magazines participants read the most. These included the number of magazines  participants’ read in or outside their homes including the ones they buy or borrow from friends.  Participants were asked to report the average number of magazines they watched monthly of  categories like fashion, health, sports, entertainment and news. The scale achieved moderate  reliability (alpha= .67).  

Hypotheses Testing  

H1a: Media exposure in Egypt will be positively associated with body dissatisfaction and  drive for thinness. The first hypothesis was tested with Pearson Correlation. Media exposure was  significantly correlated with body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, r (179) =.12, p<.05. This 


result showed that the more Egyptian participants were exposed to media, the more they felt  dissatisfied with their bodies and wanted to look thinner.  

 In this study, media exposure can be further divided into TV viewing and magazine  reading. A separate analysis was run for TV viewing and results showed that the relationship  between television viewing and body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness approached  significance, r (179) =.11, p= .07. A detailed Pearson correlation was run for every television  program and results revealed that only fashion programs had a significant relationship with body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, r (179)= .23, p<.05. This result highlighted that the more  Egyptian participants watched fashion programs on television, the more they disliked the way  their bodies looked and the more they aspired to look as thin as the models in fashion programs.  A detailed descriptive analysis was conducted for every television exposure question to find out  the kind of television programs most frequently watched by participants. On average,  participants watched 6.42 hours of fashion programs per week. Compared to other types of  programming, fashion programs were not the most watched or the least watched type of  programs. Detailed results of average number of hours watches for the rest of TV programs are  listed in Table 2.  


Table 2  

TV Program Exposure Measured in Number of Hours Per Week  


Program M Standard Deviation  

Movies 16.09 26.54  

Video Clips 13.01 28.87  

Drama 7.34 8.01  

Fashion 6.42 15.52  

Sitcom 6.05 8.46  

Talk Shows 4.83 5.96  

News 3.13 4.57  



A separate analysis for magazine viewing and body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness  revealed a relationship approaching significance, r (179) =.12, p=.08. Results revealed that as  media exposure among Egyptian college students increased body dissatisfaction and the desire to  be thinner also increased. A separate correlation analysis showed the relationship between each  magazine genre and body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. Results revealed that fashion, r  (179) = .14, p<.05 and health and fitness, r (179) = .20, p<.05 magazines had statistically  significant relationships with body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness (See Table 3 for details).  This result showed that the more Egyptian participants read health and fitness and fashion  magazines, the more they disliked the way their bodies looked and the more they wanted to look  thinner. Thus, hypothesis 1a was supported.  

________________________________________________________________________  Table 3  

Correlations Between Magazine Genres and Body Dissatisfaction and Drive for Thinness  ________________________________________________________________________   Pearson Correlation Significance  

Fashion .14* .03*  Health and Fitness .20 .00**  Sports and Activities .00 .49  Entertainment and Gossip .05 .25  News and Current Events – .03 .32  ________________________________________________________________________  ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (1-tailed).  

* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (1-tailed).  

H1b: Media exposure is not associated with eating disorder symptomatology. A Pearson  correlation was run to test the relationship between media exposure and eating disordered  attitudes. Results showed that there was no significant correlation between media exposure and  eating disordered attitudes, r (179) = -.03, p=.33. Television viewing was not significantly  correlated with eating disordered behaviors, r (179) = -.04, p=.29. In addition, magazine 


viewing was also not significantly correlated with eating disorders, r (179) = .09, p=.13. Results  showed that there is no relationship between media exposure and disordered eating among  Egyptian students, thus Hypothesis 1b is supported.  

 H2: Body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness in Egyptian women will be positively  associated with body compensatory behaviors. In this study, body compensatory behaviors were  identified as plastic surgery, personal diet, fasting, and veiling, wearing big coats and following  diet with a physician. A separate Pearson correlation was run for each compensatory behavior.  Results revealed a significant relationship between body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness  and plastic surgery, r (179)=.12, p<.05, personal diet, r (179)=.43, p<.05, fasting, r (179)=.28,  p<.05, veiling, r (179)=.17, p<.05, and following diet with a physician, r (179)=.49, p<.05.  However, there was no significant relationship between body dissatisfaction and drive for  thinness and wearing big fluffy coats, r (179)=.03, p=.36. Therefore, results show that the more  Egyptian women feel dissatisfied with their appearance, the more they are likely in engage in  compensatory behaviors such as having plastic surgery, dieting, fasting and veiling. Dieting was  strongly correlated with body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, as indicated by the high  correlation coefficient value, r (179) = .43. Wearing big fluffy coats was not correlated with body  dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. Therefore, these results demonstrate partial support for  Hypothesis 2. 


______________________________________________________________________  Table 4  

Correlations of Body Compensatory Behaviors with Body Dissatisfaction and Drive For  Thinness  

_______________________________________________________________________   Pearson’s Correlation Significance  

Surgery .12 .05  Diet .43** .0001  Fast .28* .0001  Veil .17* .01  Large Cloths .03 .36  Professional Diet .49** .0001  ________________________________________________________________________  ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (1-tailed).  

* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (1-tailed).  

H3: Body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness will be negatively associated with eating  disorder symptomatology. Opposite to the study’s prediction, results of this analysis illustrated a  significant, strong and positive correlation between these two variables, r (179) =.62, p<.05. This  correlation demonstrates that the more dissatisfied Egyptian women are with their body  appearance, the more likely they are to have disordered eating attitudes. This correlation is very  strong, as indicated by the coefficient, r (179) = .62. Therefore, Hypothesis 3 is not supported.  Summary of Results  

 As expected, Hypothesis 1 revealed that media exposure is significantly associated with  Egyptian females’ feelings of dissatisfaction with their bodies and their desire to be thinner.  Simultaneously, the first hypothesis also demonstrated that media exposure was not related to  disordered eating attitudes in Egyptian females.  

 As predicted, Hypothesis 2 exposed the significant relationship between body  compensatory behaviors and body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. To be exact, significant  correlations were found between body dissatisfaction and all behaviors except wearing big fluffy  cloths (i.e., surgery, personal diet, professional diet, fasting and veiling). 


 Contrary to what was predicted in Hypothesis 3, body dissatisfaction and desire to be  thinner was significantly related to the presence of disordered eating attitudes among Egyptian  females. 


Chapter 5  


 The purpose of this study was to assess the relationship between Egyptian women’s  attitudes and media exposure. In general, the results illustrated that exposure to thin models of  television and magazines was associated with Egyptian women’s dissatisfaction with their body  image but was not linked to the development of anorexia and bulimia. Instead, young Egyptian  women chose to adopt other forms of behaviors to look good without harming their bodies such  as veiling, fasting and dieting.  

 Several significant results were revealed in the analysis of the relationship between media  exposure and disordered eating among young Egyptian women. The following discussion will  begin by analyzing the findings of this study within the theoretical framework of social learning  theory and then will highlight the relationship between television viewing, magazine reading,  cultural differences and eating attitudes among young Egyptian women. Finally, limitations of  the study as well as directions of future research will be addressed  

Media Exposure  

Consistent with the predictions of social learning theory, this study revealed a significant  relationship between Egyptian women’s body image and the waiflike models viewed in the  media. Media influence displayed an association to body image dissatisfaction in women in this  study. This finding is consistent with past research (Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Stein & Shaw,  1994) who found a direct relationship between overall media exposure (TV and magazine  combined) and body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness. 


Media exposure affects the observing, modeling and emotional reactions of others  according to Bandura (1977). Therefore, the mass media influences eating attitudes of women by  altering their values and perceptions of the thin ideal (Garfinkel & Garner 1982). As young  Egyptian women are exposed to thin models in the media they not only internalize the models’  body images, they also model the means of achieving these unrealistic body shapes such as  overestimation of body weight regardless of their actual weight (Hamilton & Waller 1993).  Because the media portray thin models as attractive, competent, socially desired and successful,  women would strive to emulate thin models behaviors to achieve their social success according  to the social learning theory of modeling (Bandura 1977).  

 Young women spend almost four hours per day watching television according to Liebert  and Sprafkin (1988). The present study found that on average Egyptian young women spend  about fifty seven hours per week watching television and read about 12 magazines per month.  Exposure to this amount of television and magazines would have a great potential to create and  reinforce social values, stereotypes and alter perceptions of reality (Sipiora, 1991). Of special  concern is the thin ideal stereotype disseminated by television and magazine models since 69%  of female TV characters has been rated as thin according to Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson and  Kelly (1986) and dieting articles and advertisements have increased by 10% in women’s  magazines according to Gagnard (1986).  

Body Dissatisfaction and Drive for Thinness. In this study, a significant relationship was  found only between viewing fashion programs on TV and reading fashion and health and fitness  magazines and body dissatisfaction. All other types of TV programs (sitcoms, drama, news,  movies, talk shows and video clips) and magazines genres (news, entertainment and sports) were 


not significantly related to body dissatisfaction. In addition, there was no significant relationship  between disordered eating and any type of TV viewing or magazine reading.  The findings in the present study support those of other studies that show that ideal-body  television exposure is linked to women’s idealization of thinness (Harrison & Cantor 1997,  Harrison 2003). Television viewing causes interpersonal attraction to thin media personalities  which has a negative influence of satisfaction with body image. In addition, viewing models in  television fashion commercials that portray thin attractive women contributes to decreased  confidence and increased anger and body dissatisfaction in women. 

The social learning theory contends that basing self-evaluations of physical appearance  on unrealistic targets such as models in fashion TV programs have negative implications for  body image. The present study offers strong support for this theory. The ideal woman body  depicted in fashion TV programs is not only thin, she is thin with specific bust, waist, and hip  proportions (Harrison 2003). She represents a sexual ideal, a fantasy, a nonrealistic woman who  is nonetheless used by real women as a point of comparison in their efforts to improve their  bodies. Repeated exposure to these unrealistic standards is associated with decreased confidence  and increased dissatisfaction with women’s body image.  

 This study found a strong relationship between reading fashion and fitness magazines  and body dissatisfaction. The more Egyptian women were exposed to Fashion and Fitness  magazines, the more dissatisfied they were with their bodies. Commercial advertising through  Egyptian women’s magazines started in recent years to take the issue of dieting and thinness on  board. There is a specialized magazine that was first issued in 1987 called El Rashaka (Arabic  for slimness) as well as the Arabic versions of international women’s magazines such as Elle and  Vogue (Nasser, Katzman & Gordon, 2001). Increased magazine exposure in Egyptian women 


increased their desire to be thin, their demand of an attractive body shape. Consequently, more  efforts were exerted to model the thin look of models.  

The emphasis of producing fashion magazines in Egypt may reflect the hidden intentions  of the market advertisers who want to drive up their product consumption. According to Hesse Biber (1996), magazine advertisers purposely normalize unrealistically thin bodies in order to  create an unattainable desire that can drive product consumption. Advertisements in fashion  magazines emphasize thinness as a standard for female beauty, and the bodies idealized in the  media are frequently atypical of normal, healthy women. In fact, today’s fashion models weigh  23% less than the average female and a young woman between the ages of 18-34 has a 7%  chance of being as slim as a catwalk model and a 1% chance of being as thin as a supermodel. However, 69% of young women are influenced by the idea of the perfect body shape and the  pervasive acceptance of this unrealistic body type creates an impractical standard for the  majority of women (Hamburg, 1998). The media markets desire. And by reproducing ideals that  are absurdly out of line with what real bodies really do look like, the media perpetuates a market  for frustration and disappointment. Its customers will never disappear considering that the diet  industry alone generates $33 billion in revenue; advertisers have been successful with their  marketing strategy (Hesse-Biber, 1996).  

The more women read fashion magazines; the more they internalized the concept of thin  ideals (Heinberg & Thompson 1995, Rabak-Wagner, Eickhoff-Shemek & Kelly-Vance 1998;  Stice & Shaw, 1994, and Tiggeman 2003). The present study offers strong support to these  scholars who found that Fashion and fitness magazine consumption has been always related to  body dissatisfaction, decreases self-esteem and confidence; feelings of guilt, shame, depression,  anxiety, and insecurity. The popular portrayal of the feminine physical ideal in advertisements 


found in popular fashion magazines is unrealistic, unhealthy, and does not accurately reflect the  range of body types and sizes in society. Readers of popular fashion magazines are more likely  than readers of other types of magazines to identify a smaller dress size as ideal, to diet and to  equate thinness with happiness and success. 

 Eating Disordered Attitudes. The findings of this study indicated that eating disordered  attitudes was not prevalent among young Egyptian women. Only a few cases of eating disorders  among young Egyptian women (37 cases) were associated with media exposure. The majority of  the study’s participants preferred veiling, fasting, and wearing large clothes to be socially  attractive Only a very small percentage indicated preference for plastic surgery (M=1.5).  

This finding is consistent with a number of important studies (e.g., Harrison & Cantor,  1997; Shaw, & Stein, 1994) have shown that exposure to ideal-body media is linked to  disordered eating attitudes among women and the preference, among men, for thinness in  women. Where do young women learn about the skinny-yet-medium-busted ideal? Most are  likely to have learned about this body ideal through the mass media. Television programs such as  Baywatch and Comedy Central’s The Man Show are just two of the many outlets that broadcast  or illustrate body ideals. Egyptian young women have also learned about the thin media ideal  through the mass media. The access to western media has considerably increased in recent years  through the spread of satellite channels (Nasser, 1997). There is a tendency to adopt the western  look and style that is perceived as popular. This is particularly evident in entertainment programs  targeted towards Egyptian young women. Moreover, American shows as Bay Watch and Friends  have migrated to the Egyptian media according to Abdel-Aziz (2002) taking with them the thin  ideal depiction of female characters and the disordered eating attitudes associated with reaching  this thin media ideal. 


The findings of this study suggest that exposure to thin models in magazines’  commercials is associated with disordered eating attitudes. This is consistent with Heinbergh &  Thompson’s study (1995) which found that women start to accept the models’ body size and  shape in magazines as ideal and significantly change their eating attitudes and decide to base  dieting and exercising more on looks rather than on health status. This finding can be due to the  emotional involvement by readers and deliberate and repeated exposure to the thin ideal (e.g.,  detailed examination of the models in the ads and rereading articles). Egyptian young women  who use magazines in an active desire to look like the models may be the most at risk. In  addition, discussion of the contents with peers may reinforce thin-ideal messages in fashion and  fitness magazines.  

Body Dissatisfaction and Compensatory Behaviors  

Consistent with this study’s prediction, a large number of participants of the present study  have chosen to confine to other compensatory behaviors other than disordered eating to live up  to their societal expectations. In response to being dissatisfied with body appearance, 79%  reported they either consider or have already gone on personal diet, 45% would fast (fasting for a  couple of days a week is a familiar form of religious activity and is unlikely to cause any concern  from families), 52% would wear a veil and 60% would follow a diet with a physician.  

These results can be explained in light of the changes that Egypt is undergoing. The fast  changes taking place in the country towards westernization have been concurrent with a  contradictory wave of religious fundamentalism. Veiling and fasting can be used by Egyptian  females as means of looking good without harming their bodies (which is considered a sin in  Islam; the prevalent religion in Egypt). This is due to the Islamic ideology that swept the nation  since President’s Anwar Sadaat’s time that used religion to favor his system’s interest (Nasser, 


1997). This Islamic wave directed women’s attention to strict Islamic laws that consider it a sin  to harm one’s body and mandate that a person should accept his/her body as is without altering it  in any means like breast augmentation and liposuction (Nasser, 1997). The conflict between  Islam and Westernization motivated Egyptian women to adopt other compensatory behaviors as  a response to their confused cultural identity. Nasser (1997) viewed these behaviors as acts of  resistance to forces of change, modernity and cross cultural communication conditions- a  deliberate act of choice in quest for social acceptance.  

The choice of compensatory behaviors over disordered eating attitudes reflects the unique  paradigm for the position of Egyptian women across time and social change. According to  Wassef (1989), women of Egypt belong to Africa and also to the Arab Moslem tradition where  women are commonly defined through rigid and mostly negative stereotypes, but Egypt was in  fact exposed relatively early to major westernizing forces and showed readiness to assimilate to  new ideas (Nasser, 1997). This was clearly reflected in its feminist movement which took place  at the same time as that of Europe. In recent times, Egypt experimented with socialism, and the  position of its women was subsequently moduled by this experience. Today, Egypt tries to adjust  to the new realities of the free market ideologies (Grimal & Shaw, 1988). This influx of changing  circumstances developed a confusion of what was expected from Egyptian women. The social  disruption and cultural confusion leads some women to resort to eating disorders, while the  others prefer to adhere to Islamic laws and adopt other compensatory behaviors to be healthy and  look good at the same time.  

The adoption of veiling and other compensatory behaviors by Egyptian women redirects  the focus from body aesthetics to body ethics as Rubin, Fitts and Becker 2003 put it. It is a  message sent by non-Western women to flag the need of resisting and rejecting ideologies that 


thinness is linked to beauty and success. Loving one’s body and protecting it are needed to  encourage women to change the thin media ideal stereotype which will not be achieved through  disordered eating attitudes.  

The results of this study highlights how cultural changes worldwide have lead women in  Western and Middle Eastern societies to adopt forms of resistance to express how torn they are  between traditionalism and modernity. In both situations of eating disorders, women appear  confused about society’s intentions towards their progress and development. The conflict  between Westernization and tradionalism has placed contradictory and conflicting cultural  messages. The rapid and extensive economic and sociocultural modernization have altered  women’s social and cultural expectation in the Arab world (Abdollah & Main, 2001, Alan &  Mohammed Abdu, 1994). This confusing world has lead women in societies as Egypt to look for  means of self definition and validation. The reason however to why a young Egyptian woman  would chose to put on a veil instead of developing an eating disorder may be attributed to  economic structure and group affiliation. Veil is a legitimate choice taken by Egyptian women  from lower and middle class backgrounds. It is still important to be aware of the difficulty in  determining socio-economic classes in a country like Egypt which is undergoing major changes  from a state controlled to a free market country.  

Body Dissatisfaction and Eating Attitudes  

Contrary to what predicted, this study found a strong correlation between body  dissatisfaction and drive to be thinner and disordered eating attitudes in Egypt. The number of  eating disorders in Egypt has risen from 3 cases (Nasser, 1997) to 37 cases in 2005 according to  the findings of the present study. A prevalent number of studies used to document and confine  the presence of eating disorders to the Western societies (Harrison & Cantor 1997, Harrison 


2003, and Posavac & Posavac 2002). The prevalence has been explained at least in part by  changing female beauty standards that increasingly emphasize thinness. However, throughout the  last decade, cross-cultural aspects of eating disorders have received some attention (Nasser 1986,  1994). This study is one of the few studies, to the researcher’s knowledge, that sheds important  light on the nature of eating attitudes in Egypt.  

Contrary to what was predicted, this study has shown that abnormal eating occurs among  non Western populations in general and Egypt in specific. The results indicated that 14  participants were extremely worried about their body appearance and 37 (20.4%) of the  participants reported excessive concern with their eating attitudes. Participants showed excessive  concern over their body weight, pursued dieting and admitted to periods of over eating which  were followed by intense feelings of guilt. These findings indicate the presence of eating  disorders like anorexia and bulimia. This study is therefore an extension of the previous body of  research on Egypt (Nasser, 1986) who discovered the presence of 3 cases of eating disorders  back in 1994.  

These results can be thought of as a reflection of the rapid socioeconomic changes that  have occurred recently in Egypt. For example, recently there has been an influx of Western  clothes into the Egyptian market that fit only slim figure girls. On the other hand, the invasion of  multinational firms has increased working and eating habits. In addition, increased exposure to  Western trendy fast food has posed dietary changes and increased probabilities of obesity in  Egyptian culture (Cox 2002). The combination of these all those factors of Westernization pose  pressure on Egyptian women. The shifting of meal times, the dietary changes and the decreased  time available for exercise increase the weight consciousness and the risk of disordered eating  associated with it. 


The rise of disordered eating behaviors in Egypt can be a reflection of the new concepts  of beauty and femininity constantly transmitted through imported television programs and  magazines. These media outlets regard the beautiful and slim as successful. In other words, the  global adoption of free market economic strategies in Egypt and the ready access to the products  of global media have led to a standardization of expectations about the proper appearance and  behavior of women in Egypt. This standardization is, however, in conflict with many of the  central and religious assumptions of Egyptian young women. Therefore, the rising numbers of  eating disorders in Egypt are one way that women may attempt to regain control in the chaotic  and confusing world around them. Eating disorders are thus metaphors for the compliance of  women to societal expectations.  


This study had some limitations that are worth mentioning. First, the study relied on self report measures especially in assessing the number of hours of exposure to the media. This  process led to overestimation and some unrealistic data from participants. For example, when  participants were asked to assess the average number of hours per week they watched fashion  programs, some participants indicated that they watched that certain genre for 168 hours per  week and also listed additional number of hours for the rest of the programs. This means that  they watched fashion programs 24 hours a day, 7 days a week and at the same time still had time  to watch other television programs which is impossible. This overestimation and the unrealistic  display of data were also revealed from the extremely high standard deviations of the average  hours of television programs watched per week.  

Another limitation was related to the sample of this study. The sample used can be a  representative of the greater Cairo area (Cairo and Giza) but not to the result of the Egyptian 


women. Participants from the Academy of Arts and Design are students in a private school and  can be considered to be of a higher societal standard than the rest of the Egyptian women  population. Therefore, the results of this study can be generalized to the women’s population of  the greater Cairo area, but not to the rest of the Egyptian women. Further studies are needed to  highlight the association between media exposure and disordered eating attitudes in the rest of  the Egyptian suburbs.  

The most significant methodological limitation is related to the use of the Eating Attitude  Test questionnaire (EAT) which was by far the commonest instrument used in all studies  discussed in this research. The main source of concern stems from the fact that the questionnaire  had to be translated into a different language (Arabic) and administered to groups culturally  different from the original groups for which the test was originally validated. Although the  reliability of the test proved high, its validity was doubted when it was translated to Arabic as  possible linguistic and conceptual misunderstanding of some items were possible. Some of the  questions, for example can be culturally misconceived, such as ‘like my clothes to fit tight.’  While ‘tight’ is an English word used to describe a sexually attractive attribute of a woman in the  American culture, its Arabic translation would be associated with sexually undesired social  implications. Tight clothes are not culturally accepted especially for women in the Egyptian  culture. In a culture based on Islam, women are encouraged not to reveal any sexy parts of their  bodies; otherwise women would have sinned. Even though participants might not agree with  these cultural limitations, there would be a great tendency to deny wearing tight clothes even if  they do so. Another example was the sentence ‘likes to eat slowly.’ Unlike the Egyptian culture,  the American (Western) culture knows what anorexia nervosa is. Anorexia is a new term for the  Egyptian culture and has not been around enough for people to be comfortable discussing it and 


admitting to having this disease. Therefore, a positive response to this statement can be thought  to attract responses in the anorexic direction which is not socially desirable. This concern draws  the attention to the need to improve current methods used in cultural research. Future studies  should be undertaken within the context of collaboration between research workers from  different cultures and settings. These studies should be able to address the interaction between  cultural factors, socio-economic issues and include dietary practices and value orientation.  

Despite limitations, this study have nonetheless contributed greatly towards the debate on  the cultural determinism of eating disorders since it has indicated that these eating attitudes are  no longer confined to one particular society or culture. As predicted, exposure to television and  magazine (especially fitness and fashion genres) thin attractive models has negatively affected  the satisfaction of Egyptian young women with their bodies. In addition, also as predicted, media  exposure was not found to be directly associated to the development of disordered eating  attitudes in Egyptian women. On the other hand, partial support was found to the prediction that  body dissatisfaction will cause Egyptian women to adopt different reactions to societal and  media pressures than their Western counterparts. Egyptian young women demonstrated the  tendency to fast, diet and put on veil as opposed to being anorexic and/or bulimic. Finally,  contrary to what was predicted body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness was found to be  positively related to eating disorders in young Egyptian women. A small percentage of  participants demonstrated excessive concern with their weight and eating attitudes. The reason  behind this result can be related to Westernization, societal pressures and the conflict between  modernity and traditionalism in a rapid changing society such as Egypt. 


Suggestions for Future Research  

This study contributed the body of research on the associations between media and body  dissatisfaction and eating disorders. However, future research is still needed to cover points that  were not fully covered in this study. For example, this study used surveys as the primary method  of collecting data. However, in-depths interviews would be beneficial in revealing the true  feeling of Egyptian young women and their attitudes towards media viewing. Face to face  interviews would give more information about the eating habits of the participants and why they  choose and prefer certain eating attitudes and compensatory behaviors over others.   This study was conducted the great Cairo area in the Academy of Applied Arts in 6th of  October city. Therefore, the results of this study have been confined to residents of the greater  Cairo (Cairo and Giza) are. The greater Cairo culture may be different from the rest of Egypt’s  culture and might differ in its’ women’s reaction to societal pressures regarding their eating  habits. Less exposure to media might be more evident in the suburbs than in the city. On the  other hand, the busy life style in the city that is associated with the speedy eating habits might  not be found in the suburbs. Therefore, future studies can focus on other parts of Egypt and  discover whether living in the city might be associated more with body satisfaction and disorders  eating rather than living in the suburbs.  

 This study is building on the growing body of research needed to discover the  associations between cultural factors, socio-economic issues, the role of media and eating habits  in the Arabic cultures. Future research in Egypt in specific and the Arab world in general should  focus on structured clinical interviews with participants to explore deeply the Arab’s attitudes  towards media and the exposure to Western cultures. Future research in the areas mentioned  above is needed to untangle the escalating phenomenon of eating disorders in the Arab World. 



Until the early 1990s, it was generally accepted that the thin body ideal and widespread  body dissatisfaction were culturally linked phenomena that were limited to Western Europe and  North America. Non-Western societies, particularly African and Middle Eastern, were thought to  be relatively free from body dissatisfaction, disordered eating, and obsessions with weight.  Although it seems increasingly unlikely that body dissatisfaction and disordered eating in non Western countries were ever as rare as they were once thought to be, there is compelling  evidence that by the turn of the twenty-first century body dissatisfaction, the thin body ideal, and  eating disorders are on the rise in non Western societies as they are in western Europe and North  America.  

This study has shed some light on the eating attitudes of young Egyptian women. It  demonstrated how small but important number of disordered eating behaviors is emerging  between young Egyptian girls. As importantly, other compensatory behaviors such as veiling are  being adopted by young Egyptian women in quest for self identity and self control. Egypt is a  rapidly changing country. Many economic and social changes are happening at the same time  and are posing great pressure on women trying to live their lives there. The body of research on  the topic of eating attitudes and compensatory behaviors is still growing in Egypt and the Middle  East. More efforts are needed to help explain women’s attitudes and behaviors in response to the  societal and economic pressures of that part of the world. 



Abdel-Aziz, L. (2002, June 20-26). Dying to be thin. AlAhram Weekly [Online] Available:  

Abdollah, P. & Mann, T. (2001). Eating disorder symptoms and body image concerns in Iran:  Comparisons between Iranian women in Iran and America. International Journal of Eating  Disorders, 30, 259-268.  

Abou-Saleh, M., Younis, Y., & Karim, L. (1998). Anorexia nervosa in an Arab culture.  International Journal of Eating Disorders, 23, 207-212.  

Apter, A., & Shah. M (1994). Cultural effects on eating attitudes in Israeli subpopulations and  hospitalized anorectics. Genetic, Social & General Psychology Monographs, 120, 85-100.  Babbie, Earl (2001). The practice of social research. California: Wadsworth.  Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.  

Becker, A., & Hamburg, P. (1996). Culture, the media and eating disorders. Harvard Review of  Psychiatry, 4, 163- 7.  

Brunch, H. (1982). Anorexia nervosa: Therapy and theory. American Journal of Psychiatry, 139, 12.  

Chernin, K. (1981). The obsession: Reflections on the tyranny of slenderness. New York: Harper  & Row.  

Clinical and environmental features influencing treatment of eating disorders. The American  Psychiatric Association.


Cooper, P.J., Taylor, M. J., Cooper, Z. & Fairburn, C.G. (1987). The development and validation  of the body shape questionnaire. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 6 (4), 485-494.  

Cox, James (2002, June 06). Arab nations see boycotts of U.S. products. USA today online  [Online]. Available: world/2002-06-26-arab-boycott.htm  [20024, November 10].  

Davis, K. (1995). Reshaping the female body: The dilemma of cosmetic surgery. London:  Routledge.  

Davis, C., & Yager, J. (1992). Transcultural aspects of eating disorders: A critical literature  review. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 16, 377-394. 

Franko, D., & Striegel-Moore, R. (2002). The role of body dissatisfaction as a risk factor for  depression in adolescent girls. Psychosomatic Research, 53, 975-983. 

Gagnard, A. (1986). From feast to famine: Depiction of ideal body type in magazine advertising,  1950-1984. The American Academy of Advertising, 41, 451-459.  

Garner, D.M., & Garfinkel, P.E. (1979). The Eating Attitudes Test: An index of the symptoms of  anorexia nervosa. Journal of Psychological Medicine, 9, 273-279.  

Garner, D.M., Garfinkel, P.E., & Olmstead, M. (1983). An overview of sociocultural factors in  the development of anorexia nervosa. New York: A.R. Liss.  

Garner, D. M., Garfinkel, P. E., Schwartz, D., & Thompson, M. (1980). Cultural expectations of  thinness in women. Psychological Reports, 47, 483-491.  

Grimal, N. & Shaw, I. (1988). The history of ancient Egypt. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd.  Hamilton, K., & Waller, G. (1993). Media influences on body size estimation in anorexia and  bulimia – An experimental study. British Journal of Psychiatry, 162, 837-840. 


Hargreaves, D., & Tiggermann M. (2002). The effect of television commercials on mood and  body dissatisfaction: The role appearance-schema activation. Journal of Social and Clinical  Psychology, 21, 287-309.  

Harrison, K. (1997). Does interpersonal attraction to thin media personalities promote eating  disorders? Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 41, 40-68.  

Harrison, K. (2000). The body electric: Thin-ideal media and eating disorders in adolescents.  Journal of Communication, 23, 119-143.  

Harrison, K. (2001). Ourselves, our bodies: Thin-ideal media, self-discrepancies, and eating  disorder symptomatology in adolescents. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 20, 289- 324.  

Harrison, K. (2003). Television viewers’ ideal body proportions: The case of the curvaceously  thin woman. Journal of Sex Roles, 48, 255-264.  

Harrison, K., & Cantor, J. (1997). The relationship between media consumption and eating  disorders. Journal of Communication, 47, 40-68.  

Heinberg, L. J. & Thompson, J. K. (1995). Body image and televised images of thinness and  attractiveness. A controlled laboratory investigation. Journal of Social and Clinical  Psychology, 14, 325-338.  

Hesse-Biber, S. (1996). Am I thin enough yet? New York: Oxford University Press.  Higgins, E. T. (1987). Self-discrepancy: A theory relating self and effect. Psychological Review,  94, 319-340.  

Infitah Rioting: Egypt 1977 (2000, December 16). On [Online]. Available: http:// 


Kam, W. K. & Lee, S. (1998). The variable manifestations and contextual meanings of anorexia  nervosa: Two case illustrations from Hong Kong. International Journal of Eating Disorders,  23, 227-231.  

Lee, S., Ho, T. P., & Hsu, L. K. G. (1993). Fat phobic and non-fat phobic anorexia nervosa: A  comparative study of 70 Chinese patients in Hong Kong. Psychological Medicines, 23, 437- 451. 

Leung, F., Lam, S., & Sze, S. (2001). Cultural expectations of thinness in Chinese women.  Eating Disorders, 9, 339-350.  

Levine, M. P., Smolak, L., & Hayden, H. (1994). The relation of socio-cultural factors to eating  attitudes and behavior among middle school girls. Journal of Early Adolescence, 14, 471- 490.  

Liebert, R. M., & Sprafkin, J. (1988). The early window: Effects on television on children and  youth. Elmsford, NY: Pergamon Press.  

MacGillivray, M. S., (2001). Appearance management. Encyclopedia of Adolescence in  America, 215-220.  

Myers, P. N., & Biocca, F. A. (1992). The elastic body image: The effect of television  advertising and programming on body image distortions in young women. Journal of  Communications, 42, 108-133.  

Nasser, M. (1986). Comparative study of the prevalence of abnormal eating attitudes among  Arab female students of both London and Cairo Universities. Psychological Medicine, 16, 621-625.  

Nasser, M. (1988). Culture and weight consciousness. Psychosomertric Research, 32, 573-579.  Nasser, M. (1997). Culture and weight consciousness. London and New York: Routledge. 


Nasser, M., Katzman, M., & Gordon, R. (2001). Eating disorders and cultures in transition. London: Brunner-Routledge.  

Ogletree, S. M., Williams, S. W., Raffeld, P., Mason, B. & Fricke, K. (1990). Female  attractiveness and eating disorders: Do children’s television commercial play a role? Sex  Roles, 22, 791-797.  

Polvy J., & Herman, C.P. (1987). Diagnosis and treatment of normal eating. Consulting and  Clinical Psychology, 55, 635-644.  

Posavac, H. D., Posavac, S. S., & Posavac, E. J. (1998). Exposure to media images of female  attractiveness and concern with body weight among young women. Sex Roles, 38, 187-201.  Posavac S. S., & Posavac H. D. (2002). Predictors of women’s concern with body weight: The  role of perceived self-media ideal discrepancies and self-esteem. Journal of Eating  Disorders, 10, 153-160.  

Posavac, H. D., Posavc, S. S., & Weigel R. G. (2001). Reducing the impact of media images on  women at risk for body image disturbance: Three targeted interventions. Journal of Social  and Clinical Psychology, 20, 324-341.  

Rabak-Wagener, J., Eickhoff-Shemek, J., & Kelly-Vance, L. (1998). The effect of media  analysis on attitudes and behaviors regarding body image among college students. Journal of  American College Health, 47, 29-36.  

Rubin, L., Fitts, M. & Becker, A. (2003). “Whatever feels good in my soul”: Body ethics and  aesthetics among African American and Latin women. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 27,  49-75.  

Shroff, H., & Thompson, K. (2004). Body image and eating disturbances in India: Media and  interpersonal influences. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 35, 198-203. 


Silverstein, B., Perdue, L., Peterson, B., & Kelly, I. (1986). The role of mass media in promoting  a thin standard of bodily attractiveness for women. Sex Roles, 14, 519-532.  Sipiora, M. P., (1991). Alienation, the self, and television: Psychological life in mass culture.  Humanistic Psychologist, 19, 158-169.  

Stice, E., Schupak-Neuberg, E., Shaw, H. E., & Stein, R. I. (1994). Relation of media exposure  to eating disorder symptomatology: An examination of mediating mechanisms. Journal of  Abnormal Psychology, 103, 836-840.  

Stice , E. M., & Shaw, H. E. (1994). Adverse effect of the media portrayed thin-ideal on women  and linkage to bulimic symptomatology. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 13(3), 288-308.  

Stoutjesdyk, D., & Jevne, R. (1993). Eating disorders among high performance athletes. Journal  of Youth and Adolescence, 22(3), 271-282.  

Tiggemann, M. (2003). Media exposure, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating: Television  and magazines are not the same. European Eating Disorders Review, 11, 418-430.  Turner, F. (1995). Shame, beauty, and the tragic view of history. American Behavioral Scientist,  38, 1060- 1075.  

Wassef, H. (1989). Daughters of the nile. Oxford: Routledge. 




Part I: Informed Consent Form  

Georgia State University  

Department of Communication  


The Arts and Design Academy  

Title: Effects of Media viewing Women’s Body Perceptions in Egypt.  

Principal Investigator: Dr. Jaynette Atkinson and Shaima Ragab.  

 Purpose and Procedures: This study is intended to assess college students’ feelings and  attitudes about media viewing, eating attitudes, body perceptions and body compensatory  behaviors. If you agree to take part in this research, you will be asked to complete a survey and  questionnaire. You will be asked to complete the questionnaire and survey today in this location.  This will take about 30 minutes.  

 Voluntariness: Your participation in this research is voluntary. You may refuse to  participate, discontinue participation, or skip any questions you don’t wish to answer at any time  without penalty or loss of the benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. Your decision will not  affect your grades or status at this university.  

 Risks and Benefits: You may experience some mild, temporary discomfort relating to  taking a test, about your performance on the test, or associated with the post-test questionnaires,  as they concern your feelings and attitudes. If you experience any discomfort from your  participation, a referral to the Academy’s social worker will be arranged for you. 


Other than receiving extra credit in exchange for your participation, you will probably not  receive any direct benefits from participating in this research. However, your participation may  help researchers and clinicians understand Egyptian women’s attitudes toward media viewing.   Compensation: You may not benefit directly from your participation. However, we hope  that you will learn about the Egyptian women’s reactions to media viewing.   Confidentiality: Only the principal researcher will have access to research results  associated with your identity. In the event of publication of this research, no personally  identifying information will be disclosed. To make sure your participation is confidential, please  do not provide any personally identifying information on the questionnaires and place your  signed consent form and completed tests in separate envelopes.  

 Who to Contact with Questions: Questions about this research study should be directed to  the primary investigator and person in charge, Shaima Ragab, or her supervisor, Dr. Jaye  Atkinson. They can be reached at 404-651-3633; and at 404-651- 3491 and Dr. Mostafa Kamal at 8352806; 6 October City- First Zone- Giza- Egypt. Questions  about your rights as a research participant should be directed to Susan Vogtner at the Georgia  State University Institutional Review Board Office at 404-463-0674;;  Mailing address 30 Courtland Street, Alumni Hall G-76, Atlanta, GA 30303.  

You will receive a copy of this consent form to keep.  

I certify that I have read this form and volunteer to participate in this research study.  Please print name: ______________________________________________________  Signature: ________________________________________  

Principal Investigator: __________________________________  

Date: ____________ 



Part II: Demographics  

Please indicate the following:  

Age: _________________________________________________________  Sex: _________________________________________________________   Major: _______________________________________________________  Place of Birth: _____________________________________________________  

Your Highest Earned Degree: _________________________________________  Highest Degree Earned By Mom: ______________________________________  Highest Degree Earned By Father: ______________________________________  Place of Residence in Egypt: _________________________________________ 



Part III: Eating Attitudes Test  

Please circle the number which applies best to each of the statements below. All of the results  will be strictly confidential. Most of the questions directly relate to food or eating, although other  types of questions have been included. Please answer each question carefully. Thank you.  

Often Usually Always  

  1. I am terrified about being  

 Never Rarely Someti -mes  

overweight. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I avoid eating when I am  

hungry. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I find myself preoccupied  

with food. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I have gone on eating  

binges where I feel that I  

may not be able to stop. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I cut my food into small  

pieces. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I am aware of the calorie  

content of foods that I eat. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I particularly avoid food  

with a high carbohydrate  

content (i.e.bread, rice,  potatoes,etc )  

  1. I feel that others would  

1 2 3 4 5 6  

prefer if I ate more. 1 2 3 4 5 6  9. I vomit after I have eaten. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I feel extremely guilty  

after eating. 1 2 3 4 5 6   Never Rarely Some Often Usually Always   


Never Rarely Someti -mes  

Often Usually Always  

  1. I think about burning up  calories when I exercise.    


  1. Other people think that I  

1 2 3 4 5 6  

am too thin. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I am preoccupied with  

the thought of having fat on  

my body. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I take longer than others  

to eat my meals 1 2 3 4 5 6  16. I avoid foods with sugar  

in them. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I eat diet foods. 1 2 3 4 5 6  
  2. I feel that food controls  

my life. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I display self-control  

around food. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I feel that others  

pressure me to eat. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I give too much time and  

thought to food. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I feel uncomfortable  

after eating sweets. 1 2 3 4 5 6  23. I engage in dieting  

behavior. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I like my stomach to be  

empty. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I enjoy trying new rich  

foods. 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. I have the impulse to  

vomit after meals. 1 2 3 4 5 6 



Part II: The Body Shape Questionnaire  

We would like to know how you have been feeling about your appearance over the PAST FOUR  WEEKS. Please read each question and circle the appropriate number to the right. Please answer  all the questions.  



Never Rarely Sometimes Often  1. Has feeling bored made you brood  

Often Always 

about your shape? 1 2 3 4 5 6  2. Have you been so worried about  

your shape that you have been  

feeling that you ought to diet? 1 2 3 4 5 6  3. Have you thought that your thighs,  

hips or bottom are too large for the  

rest of you? 1 2 3 4 5 6  4. Have you been afraid that you  

might become fat (or fatter)? 1 2 3 4 5 6  5. Have you worried about your flesh  

not being firm enough? 1 2 3 4 5 6  6. Has feeling full (e.g., after eating a  

large meal) made you feel fat? 1 2 3 4 5 6  7. Have you felt so bad about your  

shape that you have cried? 1 2 3 4 5 6  8. Have you avoided running because  

your flesh might wobble? 1 2 3 4 5 6  9. Has being with thin women made  

you feel self-conscious about your  

shape? 1 2 3 4 5 6  10. Have you worried about your  

thighs spreading out when sitting  

down? 1 2 3 4 5 6  11. Has eating even a small amount  

of food made you feel fat? 1 2 3 4 5 6  12. Have you noticed the shape of  

other women and felt that your own  

shape compared unfavorably? 1 2 3 4 5 6  13. Has thinking about your shape  

interfered with your ability to  

concentrate (e.g., while watching t.v.,  

reading, listening to conversations)? 1 2 3 4 5 6  14. Has being naked, such as when  

taking a bath, made you feel fat? 1 2 3 4 5 6 

 60 Very  

Never Rarely Sometimes Often  16. Have you imagined cutting off  

Often Always 

fleshy areas of your body? 1 2 3 4 5 6  

  1. Has eating sweets, cakes, or other  

high calorie food made you feel fat? 1 2 3 4 5 6  18. Have you not gone out to social  

occasions (e.g., parties) because you  

felt bad about your shape? 1 2 3 4 5 6  19. Have you felt excessively large  

and rounded? 1 2 3 4 5 6  20. Have you felt ashamed of your  

body? 1 2 3 4 5 6  21. Has worry about your shape  

made you diet? 1 2 3 4 5 6  22. Have you felt happiest about your  

shape when your stomach has been  

empty (e.g., in the morning)? 1 2 3 4 5 6  23. Have you thought that you are  

the shape you are because you lack  

self-control? 1 2 3 4 5 6  24. Have you worried about other  

people seeing rolls of flesh around  

your waist or stomach? 1 2 3 4 5 6  25. Have you felt that it is not fair  

that other women are thinner than  

you? 1 2 3 4 5 6  26. Have you vomited in order to feel  

thinner? 1 2 3 4 5 6  27. When in company have you  

worried about taking up too much  

room (e.g., sitting on a sofa or a bus  

seat)? 1 2 3 4 5 6  28. Have you worried about your  

flesh being dimply? 1 2 3 4 5 6  29. Has seeing your reflection (e.g.,  

in the mirror or shop window) made  

you feel bad about your shape? 1 2 3 4 5 6  30. Have you pinched areas of your  

body to see how much fat there is? 1 2 3 4 5 6  31. Have you avoided situations  

where people could see your body  

(e.g., communal changing rooms or  

swimming baths)? 1 2 3 4 5 6 


  1. Have you taken laxatives in order  

to feel thinner? 1 2 3 4 5 6  33. Have you been particularly self 

conscious about your shape when in  

company of other people? 1 2 3 4 5 6  34. Has worry about your shape  

made you felt you ought to exercise? 1 2 3 4 5 6  Very  

Never Rarely Sometimes Often  

Often Always



Part IV: Approval for Compensation  

Please answer the following questions:  

If cost was not an issue, how likely will you do each of the following to improve your  appearance?  

Highly  Unlikely  


Unlikely Undecided Likel y  

I’ve already done this  

Plastic surgery 1 2 3 4 5  Personal diet 1 2 3 4 5  Religious Fasting 1 2 3 4 5  Put on a veil 1 2 3 4 5  Wear long fluffy clothes 1 2 3 4 5  

Professional diet with a  physician  


1 2 3 4 5  




TV Exposure  

During a typical week, how many hours do you spend watching the following on television:  Sitcoms ___________/ hours per week  

Dramas ___________/ hours per week  

Video Clips ___________/ hours per week  

News ___________/ hours per week  

Talk Shows ___________/ hours per week  

Movies ___________/ hours per week  

Fashion ___________/ hours per week  

Magazine Genres  

Circle the number of magazines you look at a typical month:  

Fashion 0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+  

Health and Fitness 0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+  

Sports and  

Activities 0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+  

Entertainment and  

Gossip 0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+  

News and Current  

Events 0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ 

 64 إستمارة الاذن بالموافقة 


هذا البحث يهدف الى استقصاء مشاعر الطلبه و انطباعاتهم على المشاهد الاعلامية. اذا وافقت، سوف يتطلب منك ذلك تكملة هذا الاستبيان اليوم. هذا الاستقصاء سوف يأخذ من وقتك حوالى 30 دقيقة . 


مشارآتك في هذا الاستقصاء تطوعية. يمكنك الرفض او التوقف فى اي وقت عن المشارآة دون اى عواقب. 


سوف يقوم استاذك بإخبارك بإمكانية حصولك على درجات إضافية مقابل مشارآتك فى هذة الدراسة . 

المزايا و العيوب: 

من المحتمل أن تشعر بعدم الراحة نتيجة لسؤالك عن عاداتك الغذائية. و لكن مشارآتك سوف تساعد الباحثيين على دراسة و معرفة إنطباعات الفتيات المصريات عن المشاهد الاعلامية . 


نتائج هذا الاستقصاء ستكون متاحه للباحث فقط لا غير. فى حاله النشر، لن يتم الافصاح عن أى معلومات شخصية. الرجاء عدم الادلاء بإى معلومات شخصيه .  

إذا آان لديك أى أسئلة، نرجو مراسلة: 

شيماء رجب على بريد إليكترونى : edu.gsu@shaima  

 د.جانيت أتكينسون على بريد إليكترونى : edu.gsu@jla 

 مرآز البحوث و الاحصاء بجامعة ولاية جورجيا الامريكية على بريد إليكترونى : edu.gsu@irb أقر أنا الموقع ادناه بإنى قد قرأت هذه الاستماره و اننى اتطوع بالمشارآة فى هذه الدراسة البحثية، إمضاء: ______________________________ 

تاريخ: _______________________________


بعض المعلومات عنكى: 

السن: ____________________________________ _______ 

النوع: ___________________________________________ 

التخصص: ________________________________________ 

محل الولاده: _______________________________________ 

أعلى درجه علمية حصلتى عليها: ___________________________ 

أعلى درجه علمية حصلت عليها الأم: _________________________ 

أعلى درجة علمية حصل عليها الأب: _________________________ 

محل الإقامة بالقاهره : ___________________________________



الجزء الاول 

إختبار العادات الغذائية 

برجاء وضع دائره حول الاجابة الاقرب الى عاداتك الغذائية: 

دائما آثير جدا آثير احيانا نادرا إطلاقا
6 5 4 3 2 1 اخاف جدا من زياده وزنى 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أتجنب الطعام عندما اشعر بالجوع 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أفكر آثيرا بالطعام 
6 5 4 3 2 1 عندما لا أستطيع التوقف عن الاآل، آآل بكميات آبيرة ثم أقوم بالتقيؤ 
6 5 4 3 2 1 اقطع طعامى الى قطع صغيره جدا 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أفحص عدد السعرات الحرارية في طعامى 
) 6 5 4 3 2 1 أتجنب تناول طعام يحتوى على نسبة آاربوهيدرات عالية (خبز، أرز، بطاطس
6 5 4 3 2 1 أشعر أن ألاخريين يحثوننى على أآت المزيد من الطعام 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أقوم بالتقيؤ بعد الاآل 
6 5 4 3 2 1 ينتابنى الشعور بالذنب الكبير بعد الاآل 
6 5 4 3 2 1 تتملكنى رغبة دائمة بالنحافة 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أفكر فى حرق السعرات الحرارية عندما أتريض 
6 5 4 3 2 1 يعتقد الآخرون أننى نحيفة جدا 






أنا دائمة التفكير بالشحم الموجود فى جسدى 

آخذ وقت أطول من الآخرين لأآمل طعامى

6 5 4 3 2 1 أتجنب الأطعمة السكرية 
آآل أطعمة ذات سعرات حرارية قليلة (دايت) 6 5 4 3 2 1
6 5 4 3 2 1 أشعر أن الطعام يسيطر على حياتى 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أقوم بالسيطرة على نفسى فى وجود الطعام 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أشعر أن الأخريين يقومون بالضغط على حتى آآل 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أعطى آثيرا من وقتى و تفكيرى للطعام 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أشعر بالضيق بعد تناول الحلوى 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أتبع نظام غذائى فى الطعام 



6 5 4 3 2 1 أحب أن تكون معدتى خالية من الطعام 
6 5 4 3 2 1 أتمتع بتجربة أطعمة جديدة دسمة 
6 5 4 3 2 1 ينتابنى دافع أن أتقيأ بعد تناول الطعام 




الجزء الثانى 

إختبار الاحساس بالمظهر العام 

الرجاء وضع دائرة حول الاجابة الانسب لأحساسيك تجاه مظهرك:

دائما آثيرا جدا آثيرا أحيانا نادرا إطلاقا  
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل الشعور بالملل يجعلك تمعنى التفكير فى مظهرك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تفكرين آثيرا في مظهرك لدرجة إنكى تريدين إتباع نظام غذائى؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تشعرين أن أردافك و مؤخرتك أآبر من بقية أجزاء جسدك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل ينتابك الشعور بالخوف من أن تصبحى بدينه أو (أآثر بدانه)؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل ينتابك القلق ألا يكون جسدك ممشوقا؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل الشعور بالامتلاء بعد تناول وجبه آبيره يشعرك أنكى بدينه؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل يشعرآى مظهرك بالضيق لدرجة أنكى تبكين؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تتجنبين الجرى لأعتقادك ان جسدآى مترهل؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل وجودك مع فتيات نحيفات يزيد من تفكيرك فى حجمك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تقلقين من مظهر أردافك عند الجلوس؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تناولك الطعام و لو بكميات قليله جدا يشعرك إنكى بدينه؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تعتقدين أن حجمك أآبر بالمقارنة بالفتيات الأخريات؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل يقوم تفكيرك فى حجمك بنشتيت ترآيزك (عند القرأه، مشاهده التلفاز)؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تشعرين أنكى بدينه أثناء الأستحمام؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تتجنبين إرتداء الملابس التى تزيد من إحساسك بكبر حجمك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل راودتكى فكره التخلص الاجزاء البدينه من جسدك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تناول الأطعمة ذات السعرات الحرهرية العالية آالحلوى يجعلكى

تشعرين بالبدانه؟

6 5 4 3 2 1   هل إحساسك بالضيق تجاه حجمك يمنعك من المشارآة فى المناسابات

الأجتماعية (الحفلات)؟

6 5 4 3 2 1   هل شعرتى أنكى مفرطة السمنه؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل شعرتى بالخجل من مظهرك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل الشعور بالضيق من حجمك جعلكى إتبعتى نظام غذائى؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   عندما تكون معدتك خاليه (فى الصباح) هل يشعرآى هذا بالسعاده؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تعتقدين أن شكل حجمك الحالى هو نتيجة لعدم قدرتكى على التحكم فى



6 5 4 3 2 1   هل ينتابكى القلق أن الأخرين سوف يلاحظون تراآم الشحم حول أجزاء


6 5 4 3 2 1   هل شعرتى إنه ليس من العدل أن تكون الفنيات الآخريات أنحف منكى؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تقومين بالتقيؤ حتى تشعرى أنكى نحيفة؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تقلقى من أخذ مساحة آبيرة عندما تجلسى بجانب أحد؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل يقلقك وجود ترهلات فى مختلف أنحاء جسدك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل مشاهدة صورتك فى المرآه يشعرك بالضيق تجاه جحمك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تومين بتفحص أجزاء الشحم الموجوده فى جسدك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تتجنبى أى مواقف يمكن أن تلفت النظر لحجمك؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل تتناولى ملين للأمعاء حتى تشعرى بالنحافة؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل يقلقك حجمك و مظهرك خصوصا فى وجود الآخرين؟
6 5 4 3 2 1   هل يحثك قلقك من حجمك عتى ممارسة الرياضة؟




الجزء الثالث 

الافعال البديلة التعويضية 

الرجاء الاجابة على الاتى : 

حددى احتمالات ان تقومى بالاتى لتحسين مظهريك : 

 اطلاقا لا يمكن لا ادرى محتمل لقد فعلت هذا من قبل 

جراحة تجميل 1 2 3 4 5 نظام غذاءى 1 2 3 4 5 صوم 1 2 3 4 5 

ارتداء ملابس واسعة 1 2 3 4 5 ارتداء الحجاب 1 2 3 4 5 ريجيم مع طبيب 1 2 3 4 5


مشاهده التليفزيون : 

الرجاء تحديد عدد الساعات التى التى تمضيها مشاهدا الاتى على شاشة التليفزيون خلال الاسبوع الواحد : مسلسلات آوميدية____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 

مسلسلات درامية ____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 

فيديو آليبس ____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 

أخبار ____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 

برامج حوارية ____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع  

أفلام ____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 

برامج أزياء و موضة____________/ ساعة فى الاسبوع 


انواع المجلات : 

ضع دائرة حول عدد المجلات التى تقرئها فى الشهر الواحد :

0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ موضة 
0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ صحة و لياقة بدنية 
0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ رياضة 
0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ فن 
0 1-2 3-4 5-6 7+ اخبار 



About Author

Islam and Eating Disorders founded in 2012 – run by Maha Khan, the blog creates awareness of Eating Disorders in the Muslim world, offers information and support for sufferers and their loved ones.

Leave A Reply